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The strategic illusion: What’s behind the Saudi-Turkish-Pakistani agreement?

Is it a result of the Sunni-Shi’ite conflict? Or a Muslim alliance against the non-Muslim world?

Corridor of a mosque in Saudi Arabia. Credit: ebrahim/Pixabay.
Corridor of a mosque in Saudi Arabia. Credit: ebrahim/Pixabay.
Harold Rhode served as a specialist on Islamic culture and the Middle East in the Office of the Secretary of Defense from 1982 to 2010. He studied at a university in Iran during the early and mid-stages of the Islamic Revolution. He is currently a Distinguished Senior Fellow at the Gatestone Institute in New York, as well as a Senior Fellow at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. See his website at: harold-rhode.com.

The defense agreement recently concluded in Mecca between Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan has raised significant questions across global diplomatic circles. Here are ways to understand this alliance.

Framed by participating leaders as a broad pan-Islamic alliance open to the wider Muslim world, the true underpinnings of this pact are far more complex. Public claims that such treaties serve primarily as a unified front against Israel or represent a genuine umbrella for all Islamic nations mask a matrix of regional survival, sectarian dynamics and a profound crisis of confidence in Western deterrence.

Iran, the world’s foremost Shi’ite power, which has long sought to establish a “Shi’ite crescent” extending across the region, is actively destabilizing the entire Middle East.

Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan are major Sunni Muslim nations with substantial non-Sunni minorities.

While Pakistani officials publicly described the pact as an inclusive Muslim alliance, the political reality is that all three signatories are Sunni-ruled states. Each harbors substantial non-Sunni populations—whether Shi’ites in Saudi Arabia, Alevis in Turkey (religiously closer to Shi’ism than Sunnism and have in the past been an important factor in Ottoman/Iranian relations) or Pakistan’s significant Shi’ite minority—whose interests are routinely suppressed or kept strictly in check by their respective central governments.

When Washington demonstrates unpredictability, regional actors don’t see tactical flexibility. Instead, they interpret it as a lack of long-term strategic resolve.

The public rhetoric framing this pact as a universal Islamic bloc is largely diplomatic window dressing. The sectarian divide in the Middle East is not a conflict amenable to conventional Western Conflict Resolution; in the Middle Eastern tradition, absolute solutions to deep-seated ideological disputes rarely exist. Instead, regional politics are governed by temporary truces while parties maintain positions in an ongoing struggle that traces its origins back to the foundational schisms following the death of their Muslim prophet Muhammad.

The pact’s public focus on Israel aligns with a familiar regional playbook: using anti-Israel rhetoric as a unifying force to obscure internal divisions and project ideological legitimacy. However, a deeper look reveals that the primary driver behind this arrangement is not Israel, but rather a profound sense of regional vulnerability driven by Iran’s aggressive expansionism and the perceived unreliability of the United States.

At the heart of these diplomatic realignments lies a fundamental assessment shared by capitals across the Middle East: Western, and specifically American, commitments can no longer be relied upon for long-term security.

As the late historian Bernard Lewis famously observed, American policy in the region has repeatedly led local actors to view the United States as an unreliable ally and a harmless enemy. Middle Eastern regimes watch Western powers enter regional conflicts with high-minded goals, only to withdraw when domestic political will fades. When Washington demonstrates unpredictability—offering diplomatic negotiations one day while threatening severe military action the next—regional actors don’t see tactical flexibility. Instead, they interpret it as a lack of long-term strategic resolve.

Iran has adeptly exploited this perception of Western weakness. Through its network of regional proxies, Tehran continually tests the limits of American power and regional tolerance. Attacks launched by Iranian-backed Houthi forces into southwestern Saudi regions like Najran—areas with localized Shi’ite populations—send a deliberate message that the Saudi central government cannot guarantee total security over its periphery. By demonstrating that Western allies will not step in decisively to dismantle aggressive regimes, Tehran reinforces the perception that local powers must fend for themselves.

Western analysts often assert that severe economic pressure and internal unrest will inevitably cause the Iranian regime to collapse from within. This perspective fundamentally misunderstands the mechanics of power in totalitarian Middle Eastern states. Authoritarian regimes do not govern by public consensus or economic performance; they preserve power through the unyielding application of force against internal opposition. So long as the regime retains the capacity and willingness to suppress dissent, domestic economic hardship alone will not trigger its downfall.

Confronted with what they view as a dangerous security vacuum, regional actors are forced to hedge their bets. This hedging takes two distinct forms: seeking temporary accommodation with regional rivals like Iran to de-escalate immediate threats and constructing new bilateral or trilateral security arrangements outside traditional Western umbrellas.

This strategic shift introduces significant legal and military complexities, particularly regarding Turkey’s role. As a core member of NATO, Turkey is bound by Article 5, which defines an attack on one member as an attack on all. Yet Ankara’s entry into independent defense pacts alongside non-NATO states creates deep institutional ambiguity regarding how NATO obligations would interact with localized Middle Eastern conflicts or what happens if a NATO member becomes embroiled in hostilities stemming from independent regional commitments. These unanswered questions highlight the growing friction between legacy Cold War security structures and the realities of modern Middle Eastern politics.

In the Middle East, stability is not maintained through abstract diplomatic frameworks or economic pressure tactics. Power dynamics are governed by the immediate, visible projection of strength and a clear willingness to defend vital interests. When Western powers rely on economic sanctions while avoiding decisive action against regional disruptors, regional capitals take note. The signing of the Saudi-Turkish-Pakistani defense agreement in Mecca is a direct outcome of this dynamic.

Signing this agreement in Mecca is symbolic. On one hand, these three countries are indicating that this agreement is a Muslim alliance vs. the non-Muslim world. But additionally, and maybe even more importantly, it is a signal to the Shi’ites that we Sunnis control Mecca, not you. So know your place. We run the Muslim world, not you!

Finally, as regional leaders conclude that Western security guarantees are no longer absolute, they will continue to forge new, independent alliances to navigate an increasingly volatile region.

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